"Note to Readers: In Search of the Great Canadian Terror" by Matt Taibbi
"Canada's Online Harms Act is packed with futuristic horrors, but with a few notable exceptions, politicians and media have tried to keep the worst parts hidden"
All is not well in Canada, to put it mildly, as the current dictators in charge appear to have firmly crossed the line into 1984.
I highly recommend reading the following article written by journalist Matt Taibbi which outlines the disturbing dystopian state that Canada has become especially since the installation of the WEF puppet Justin Trudeau and his handler, Chrystia Freeland who presently serves as the Deputy Prime Minister of Canada and Finance Minister.
Note to Readers: In Search of the Great Canadian Terror
Canada's Online Harms Act is packed with futuristic horrors, but with a few notable exceptions, politicians and media have tried to keep the worst parts hidden
By Matt Taibbi ⢠10 May 2024
For a more detailed take on the Online Harms Act, click here.
On Tuesday night America This Week co-host Walter Kirn and I were texting, as we often do at the end of busy news days. He sent this:
I remembered seeing something about Trudeauās digital censorship bill on Michael Shellengergerās Public site earlier this year, but the idea of police arresting people on the basis of retroactive searches apparently didnāt register. āNo way,ā I thought, silently cursing Twitter. But I clicked on the tweet by āCamus,ā which linked to a Peopleās Voice article that quoted Czech historian Muriel Blaive of the Institute for the Study of Totalitarian Regimes at length. She called the bill āmadā and like Camus decried the retroactive punishment clause, which places a responsibility on Canadians (or visitors to Canada, as Iād learn) to delete any old statements on the Internet that may constitute illegal hate speech under the new bill.
Blaive noted, however, that while you can delete a past offense, the new Canadian law also punishes future or potential crimes. She wrote:
This is where it trips over into as yet unimagined dystopian territory. If the courts believe you are likely to commit a āhate crimeā or disseminate āhate propagandaā (not defined), you can be placed under house arrest and your ability to communicate with others restricted⦠If the court believes thereās a risk you may get drunk or high and start tweeting under the influence ā although how is unclear, given you canāt use your phone or a PC ā it can order you to submit regular urine samples to the authorities. Anyone who refuses to comply with these diktats can be sent to prisonā¦
This had to be a prank! Iād never heard of Muriel Blaive, nor her Institute (which does exist, as it turns out), but it seemed impossible that any democracy, even Justin Trudeauās Canada, would seriously consider a law that could put people in jail for crimes they havenāt committed⦠yet? As Walter would point out later in the week, such a thing, if it existed, would represent a gap in George Orwellās imagination. So why wasnāt there more coverage about a bill introduced in February?
Google only tells you so much. Official Canadian sites stressed the Online Harms Act created āstronger protections for kidsā and āa new vision for safer and more inclusive participation online.ā Initial CBC coverage was almost indistinguishable from that federal press release, quoting Justice Minister Arif Virani saying āWe cannot tolerate anarchy on the Internet,ā and āthe mental health and even the lives of our kids are at stake.ā Virani did concede in an interview with CPAC anchor Michael Serapio that there would be some speech concerns, but the bill āwasnāt about that,ā but mainly focused on child protection, revenge porn, and other problems that surely were āuncontroverted,ā
Sometimes outlets miss the fine print early. What about later? The Conversation, a generally sane site that features journalistically framed articles by academics, ran a piece a month after the billās release called āThe Online Harms Act Doesnāt Go Far Enough to Protect Democracy in Canada.ā The New York Times did a story that noted āCritics Say It Goes Too Farā in the headline, but said nothing about retroactive policing, pre-crime, or draconian penalties. It did have a quote from University of Calgary professor Emily Laidlaw: āItās an incredibly thoughtful piece of legislation.ā
The only mainstream American publication to reference the worst elements of the bill was a March 14 New York Post piece that hit the key notes of life imprisonment and pre-crime, while the piece by Stephen Moore on Public as far as I can tell is the first and probably only effort to put ālife in prisonā in a headline.
Then this week Elon Musk, in response to the same Camus tweet Walter sent, declared that the details in the bill sounded āinsane if accurateā:
Muskās tweet inspired a flurry of weirdly angry articles. The Independent somehow concluded that it ācould find no evidence that the bill gives police new powers to arrest people for retrospective breaches,ā noting that Elon frequently shares ādubious claims or theories.ā But Canadaās more conservative National Post piece on Musk noted that Canadian author Margaret Atwood also called the bill āOrwellian,ā and referenced āup to life imprisonment for hate-crime offences.ā It also claimed to be quoting the bill in saying that āfears on reasonable grounds that another person will commitā a hate crime could result in detention. If thatās in the bill, how did so many other outlets ignore it?
I found the text of the bill, saw the Post quoted it accurately, then reread from the start. By the text, Camus, Blaive, and Moore seemed correct, and it also seemed clear the New York Times, the CBC, The Conversation, the Globe and Mail and others buried the lede in coverage of the bill, which twice uses the term āimprisonment for lifeā and also references two, five and ten year sentences. Thereās no way to read the bill and the Canadian coverage especially and conclude anything but that the more extreme provisions were deliberately played down.
The Globe and Mail, for instance, ran an article specifically about the ācontroversialā criminal provisions, but avoided mentions of ālifeā or āten yearsā and said only that it āincludes changes to the Criminal Code to usher in stiffer penalties for hate-related crimes.ā A piece on the McGill University website quoted one of its law professors saying āthe bill should remove its criminal law provisions, as we donāt have evidence that longer prison sentences lead to safer practices,ā but with typical Canadian reserve avoided the neon headline material, i.e. the āimprisonment for lifeā line.
Embarrassed Iād missed all of this, I put out an APB for Canadian lawyers. After speaking with Bruce Pardy of Rights Probe, self-described āaccidentalā civil liberties lawyer Daniel Freiheit (Iāll let him tell you to whom heās related), and two Toronto-based attorneys who didnāt want to be quoted, I got the impression that there was significant concern, even shock about this bill in the Canadian legal community that was clearly not being reflected in mainstream coverage. Walter and I decided to do an episode on the subject. Not until after we recorded, however, did I have a conference call with four other attorneys, who explained a portion of the bill I hadnāt seen anyone explore in print: a bizarre take on the American āhate crime enhancementā concept that would allow authorities to push for āimprisonment for lifeā for violating any āAct of Parliamentā with hateful intent.
Canada rarely doles out life prison terms for murder, but C-63, it seemed, was imagining life for offenses that werenāt even crimes, so long as theyāre committed with hateful intent. (Iāve heard conflicting opinions on what the āAct of Parliamentā clause means, but several attorneys insisted it could include something as trivial as littering.) Add a fuller explanation of the financial rewards of up to $20,000 for snitching (the bill uses the term āinformantā twice), combined with penalties up to $50,000 for the accused, and it seemed no one outside of Ezra Levantās perpetually downranked Rebel News had given all the scary elements of the bill real coverage.
Those articles on Levantās site, which is almost never mentioned in American media without the prefixes āfar rightā or āextremist rightā and almost never appear in early Google searches, are also the only ones Iāve seen so far that report the seemingly crucial fact that many of the child protection and/or pornography provisions that got the most official coverage appear to already be against the law in Canada. The angles sold by Trudeau and Justice Minister Arif Verani about protecting children and making hate offenses criminal are mostly all on the books already.
āRevenge porn has been against the law in Canada for 10 years,ā Levant, a lawyer, sighs. The new law seems to create an additional responsibility for platforms to remove such content, but that itās been illegal since 2015 is not in doubt:
I tell this story for two reasons. One is just to illustrate that in the current media environment, there is often now no way to know what the hell youāre dealing with without picking up the telephone. The alleged most reputable media outlets in Canada and the U.S. refused to touch the most sensitive parts of this bill. Again, itās hard to avoid the conclusion that many did so intentionally, among other things because some reference parts of quotes or text but tiptoe around nearby key terms like ālife,ā ā$50,000,ā ā$20,000,ā āwill commit,ā ācontinuous communication,ā and āso long as the hate speech remains public.ā Iām still curious about the āAct of Parliamentā clause ā Virani insists an āoffence motivated by hatredā refers to ācriminalā offenses ā but thereās no question that most of this law has been aggressively non-reported in the mainstream press, portrayed as just another in the growing jumble of European and anglophile āanti-disinformationā laws like the EUās Digital Services Act.
The other reason is to explain; more is coming. Under normal circumstances a feature on a topic like this should include discussion of cultural pressures driving the bill, the recent changes in Canadian law that make it possible, examination of the political motives of Trudeau and his bizarre transformation into a global spokesmodel for the new authoritarianism, and so on. But we wanted to discuss this craziness on America This Week, so the article thatās out the door is mostly an effort to fact-check and explain some of the basics. Especially in conjunction with our own House passing its recent antisemitism bill (a big boundary-breaker in the realm of banning state-defined political speech if it goes all the way), this looks like an important story that needs watching as a potential model for a ghastly new type of surveillance state. Letās hope not, but it might be. Until then, whatever happened to old, harmless, Terrance-and-Phillip Canada? We need this just over the border?
Back in 2014, Daniel Dickin at the Huffington Post accurately read the writing on the wall.
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